Joe Biden all together we can overcome the problems
John Paul II, WE LOVE YOU
General Colin Powell Endorses Barack Obama! pt.1
Barack Obama: Colin Powell and Unity in America
Poland Georgia Together Forever! Polish-Georgian Friendship
Elect Barack Obama Joe Biden Presidential Campaign Commercial 'Fall in Wounded Soldier' LA Music Award Nominated Video
Please help Poland!!!
Polish Pilots of the RAF
Tribute to Georgians in Polish Service
Polish Squadrons in Battle of Britain
All the support from the Polish American
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
sms: 703-485-6619
EMAIL: polonia@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA
Hello from Polish American Lech Alex Bajan of Arlington Virginia.
Jako Polak z USA of 1987 musze podac moje rozrzalenie z tej niesprawiedliwosci jaka jest w dzisiejszym swiecie w traktowaniu Polski i Polakow.
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA : Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights.
Co mamy z tego. Gdzie te kontrakty w Iraku? Nic z tego? Ile to nas Polske i Polakow kosztuje. Mozna by za to zaplacic dlugi wszyskich szpitali w Polsce w wyslac na studia kazdego Polaka a albo podwoic swiadczenia dla najbardziej ubogich.
Co nasz Rzad robi w tej sprawie?
Dlaczaego nie mamy dobrego lobingu w USA. A ja moge pomoc. Jestem 20 lat w Washington DC i wiem jak to dziala.
Przed rostrzygniecien kontraktu w Iraku juz bylem poinformowany ze US kontrakt nie bedzie dla Polski a dla firmy belego sekretarza wojsk USA.
Former Republican Congressman and Secretary of Defense, under President Clinton, William Cohen, sits at the helm of the Cohen Group.
On dostal wiele kontraktow ktore sie Polsce nalezaly.
Nawet byly wypowiedzi Ministra Wojsk Irackich ze kontrakt nie zostal dobrze wypelniony przez firme Cohena: ze wiele sprzetu po dostarczeniu nawet nie dzialalo.
Czy tak chca zniszczyc i tanio wykupic Polski przemysl zbrojeniowy.
Sam pochodze z Krasnika w Lubeskim gdzie slawna na calym swiecie Fabryka Lozysk Tocznych wybudowana w ramach Centralnego Osrodka Przemyslowego w latach 20-30 XX wieki i calkowicie z modernizowana przez firmy japonsko – zachodnio europejskie w latach 80-tych za wiele miliardow dolarow. Ktora kiedys exportowala do 70 krajow swiata i zatrudniala 12 tys. Pracownikow
Zobarztmy tylko dane:
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA
Poland / Polska dostaje/ only gets $28 milions of the real US help for the Polish Army
but it cost to Poland ( our mation ) is 1 billion per year to send our troops all over the world Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights.
Country
Three Years Before 9/11 ('99-'01)
Three Years After 9/11 ('02-'04)
Change in Dollars
Six-Year Total ('99-'04)
Israel
$9,823,862,000 $9,094,874,000 ($728,988,000) $18,918,736,000
Egypt
$6,122,603,000 $6,025,456,540 ($97,146,460) $12,148,059,540
Pakistan
$9,075,000 $4,152,654,219 $4,143,579,219 $4,161,729,219
Jordan
$981,050,000 $2,670,414,688 $1,689,364,688 $3,651,464,688
Colombia
$1,549,497,000 $2,048,565,665 $499,068,665 $3,598,062,665
Afghanistan
$8,415,000 $2,663,783,836 $2,655,368,836 $2,672,198,836
Turkey
$5,357,000 $1,324,923,070 $1,319,566,070 $1,330,280,070
West Bank and Gaza
$630,557,000 $271,058,000 ($359,499,000) $901,615,000
Peru
$263,543,000 $445,825,971 $182,282,971 $709,368,971
Bolivia
$281,470,000 $320,682,000 $39,212,000 $602,152,000
Ecuador
$110,103,000 $251,367,795 $141,264,795 $361,470,795
Poland
$33,242,000 $301,136,119 $267,894,119 $334,378,119
Iraq
$37,945,000 $283,986,478 $246,041,478 $321,931,478
Haiti
$176,368,000 $87,296,000 ($89,072,000) $263,664,000
Indonesia
$78,126,000 $184,930,913 $106,804,913 $263,056,913
Philippines
$14,642,000 $245,636,802 $230,994,802 $260,278,802
Mexico
$89,957,000 $162,080,493 $72,123,493 $252,037,493
Lebanon
$66,417,000 $110,109,000 $43,692,000 $176,526,000
Timor-Leste
$84,791,000 $89,339,000 $4,548,000 $174,130,000
Bahrain
$693,000 $144,593,000 $143,900,000 $145,286,000
http://polishdeportedfromus.blogspot.com/ my blog
Support Our Allies - They Support Us?
"...For Your Freedom and Ours..."
Gen. T. Kosciuszko (Poland and America's Patriot)
- Poland sent combat troops to Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights, Americans during the war.
- Polish troops are responsible for security in 1 of the 4 zones in Iraq
- 20,000 soldiers from 17 countries served under Polish command
Poland sent its elite commando unit, GROM, which means thunder. It helped secure the port at Umm Qasr, which was vital to delivering aid to Iraq. The unit also secured nearby oil platforms before they could be sabotaged.
In the first Gulf War, Polish intelligence officers snuck into Iraq to rescue a group of CIA operatives trapped behind enemy lines.
Poland's secret agents disguised CIA agents as Polish construction workers and smuggled them out of Baghdad.
This was not the first time Polish soldiers risked their lives for our freedom. Generals Casimir Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciuszko were two of the first foreigners to fight in the American Revolution. Kosciuszko designed and oversaw the construction of West Point. After that, he returned to Poland, where he led a democratic uprising. As a result of that fight, Poland had the first written democratic constitution in Europe, second in the world only to the U.S.
USA DEPORTED POLISH WOMAN IN US SINCE 1989 PERFECT CITIZEN FORMER SOLIDARITY, PERFECT MOTHER, NO CRIMES
I have to bring to your attention. What kind of:
How autocratic our Homeland Security in US is.
Ciekawy wiadomosc prasowa:
Israel to Get $90bn US Defense Aid
Sunday, October 19, 2008
Wednesday, October 1, 2008
Poland and US making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?
Poland and US making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?
It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape. Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence.
In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market.
The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF.
The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy.
In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale. Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything.
Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.
The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’
When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions.
All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.
Economical analysis
Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland.
At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt. The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent.
To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything. Argentina became the pariah of nations.
To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale.
How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything. Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates. People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films.
With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow. They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence.
In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed.
Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living.
On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’ Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders.
This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.
The Argentinian miracle
It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up.
’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’
And it did happen! The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner. An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth.
When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities.
In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’
Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%.
The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%.
Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more.
Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses.
The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated. There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings.
It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving.
All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country. The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle.
The rats come back
The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something?
MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism.
The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there.
Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law.
In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own.
Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner.
Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more. This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice.
The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula.
Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: alex@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape. Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence.
In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market.
The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF.
The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy.
In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale. Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything.
Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.
The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’
When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions.
All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.
Economical analysis
Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland.
At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt. The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent.
To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything. Argentina became the pariah of nations.
To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale.
How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything. Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates. People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films.
With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow. They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence.
In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed.
Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living.
On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’ Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders.
This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.
The Argentinian miracle
It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up.
’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’
And it did happen! The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner. An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth.
When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities.
In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’
Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%.
The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%.
Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more.
Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses.
The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated. There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings.
It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving.
All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country. The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle.
The rats come back
The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something?
MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism.
The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there.
Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law.
In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own.
Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner.
Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more. This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice.
The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula.
Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: alex@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Poland and US making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?
Poland and US making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?
It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape. Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence.
In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market.
The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF.
The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy.
In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale. Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything.
Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.
The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’
When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions.
All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.
Economical analysis
Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland.
At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt. The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent.
To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything. Argentina became the pariah of nations.
To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale.
How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything. Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates. People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films.
With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow. They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence.
In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed.
Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living.
On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’ Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders.
This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.
The Argentinian miracle
It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up.
’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’
And it did happen! The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner. An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth.
When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities.
In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’
Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%.
The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%.
Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more.
Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses.
The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated. There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings.
It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving.
All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country. The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle.
The rats come back
The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something?
MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism.
The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there.
Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law.
In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own.
Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner.
Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more. This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice.
The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula.
Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: alex@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape. Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence.
In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market.
The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF.
The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy.
In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale. Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything.
Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.
The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’
When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions.
All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.
Economical analysis
Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland.
At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt. The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent.
To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything. Argentina became the pariah of nations.
To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale.
How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything. Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates. People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films.
With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow. They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence.
In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed.
Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living.
On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’ Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders.
This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.
The Argentinian miracle
It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up.
’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’
And it did happen! The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner. An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth.
When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities.
In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’
Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%.
The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%.
Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more.
Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses.
The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated. There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings.
It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving.
All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country. The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle.
The rats come back
The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something?
MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism.
The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there.
Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law.
In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own.
Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner.
Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more. This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice.
The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula.
Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: alex@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Polish Genius Professor Leonid Hurwicz Nobel ceremony
Polish Genius Professor Leonid Hurwicz Nobel ceremony
Prize in Economics 2007: Documentary
Prize in Economics 2007: Documentary
Tuesday, September 30, 2008
Polish Genius Professor Bogusław Wolniewicz
Polish Genius Professor Bogusław Wolniewicz
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 1/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 2/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 3/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 4/4
Boguslaw Wolniewicz and the Formal Ontology of Situations
INTRODUCTION
"The theory presented below was developed in an effort to clarify the metaphysics of Wittgenstein's Tractatus. The result obtained, however, is not strictly the formal twin of his variant of Logical Atomism. but something more, general, of which the latter is lust a special case. One might call it an ontology of situations. Some basic ideas of that ontology stern from Stenius Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Oxford, 1968 and Suszko Ontology in the Tractatus of L. Wittgenstein - Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic, 1968.
Let L be a classic propositional language. Propositions of L are supposed to have their semantic counterparts in the realm of possibility, or as Wittgenstein put it: in logical space. These counterparts are situations, and S is to be the totality of them. The situation described by a proposition a is S(a). With Meinong we call it the objective of a."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A formal ontology of situations - Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982). pp. 381-382.
"Different ontologies adopt different notions of existence as basic. Aristotle's paradigm of existence is given by the equivalence:
(A) to be = to be a substance.
On the other hand, the paradigm of existence adopted in Wittgenstein's Tractatus is given by the parallel equivalence:
(W) to be = to be a fact.
Now, an Aristotelian substance is the denotation of an individual name, whereas a Wittgensteinian fact is the denotation of a true proposition. It seems therefore that the notions of existence derived from these two paradigms should be quite different, and one might readily expect that the metaphysical systems erected upon them will display wide structural discrepancies.
It turns out, however, that in spite of this basic difference there runs between these two systems a deep and striking parallelism. This parallelism is so close indeed that it makes possible the construction of a vocabulary which would transform characteristic propositions of Wittgenstein's ontology into Aristotelian ones, and conversely. To show in some detail the workings of that transformation will be the subject of this paper.
The vocabulary mentioned is based on the following four fundamental correlations:
Aristotle
1) primary substances (substantiae primae)
2) prime matter (materia prima)
3) form (forma)
4) self-subsistence of primary substances (esse per se)
Wittgenstein
1) atomic facts
2) objects
3) confiugration
4) independence of atomic facts
Aristotle's ontology is an ontology of substances, Wittgenstein's ontology is an ontology of facts. But concerning the respective items of each of the pairs (1)-(4) both ontologies lay down conditions which in view of our vocabulary appear to be identical. To show this let us confront, to begin with, the items of pair (1): substances and facts.
(The interpretation of Aristotle adopted in this paper is the standard one, to be found in any competent textbook of the history of philosophy. Therefore, with but one exception, no references to Aristotle's works will be given here.)Relatively to the system involved substances and facts are of the same ontological status. Aristotle's world is the totality of substances (summa rerum), Wittgenstein's world is the totality of facts (die Gesamtheit der Tatsachen). For Aristotle whatever exists in the basic sense of the word is a primary substance, for Wittgenstein - an atomic fact. Moreover, both ontologies are MODAL ones, allowing for different modes of being (modi essendi); and both take as basic the notion of `contingent being' (esse contingens), opposed to necessary being on the one hand, and to the possibility of being on the other. Both substances and facts are entities which actually exist, but might have not existed. The equality of ontological status between substances and facts is corroborated by the circumstance that both are PARTICULARS, there being - as the saying goes - no multiplicity of entities which FALL UNDER them.
Substances and facts stand also in the same relation to the ontological categories of pairs (2) and (3). Both are always COMPOUND entities, a substance consisting of matter and form, and a fact consisting of objects and the way of their configuration. But in neither of the two systems is this compoundness to be understood literally as composition of physically separable parts or pieces. The compoundness (compositio) of a substance consists in its being formed stuff (materia informata), and the compoundness of a fact in its being a configuration of objects.
In view of correlation (4) we have also an equality of relation which a substance bears to other substances, and a fact to other facts. Self-subsistence is the characteristic attribute of primary substances: substantia prima = ens per se. If we take this to mean that each substance exists independently of the existence or non-existence of any other substance we get immediately the exact counterpart of Wittgenstein's principle of logical atomism stating the mutual independence of atomic facts. It should be noted that thus understood the attribute of self-subsistence or independence is a relative one, belonging to a substance - or to a fact - only in virtue of its relation to other substances - or facts.
From a Wittgensteinian point of view Aristotle's substances are not things, but hypostases of facts, and thus their names are not logically proper names, but name-like equivalents of propositions. (By that term we mean roughly either a noun clause of the form `that p', or any symbol which might be regarded as a definitional abbreviation of such clause.) Surely, from the Aristotelian point of view it might be easily retorted here that just the opposite is the case: substances are not `reified' facts, but on the contrary - facts are 'dereified' substances. Without passing judgement on these mutual objections let us note in passing that their symmetric character seems to be itself an additional manifestation of the parallelism discussed."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-210 (notes omitted).
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SELECTED PUBLICATIONS (Works in Polish are not enclosed)
In 1970 Boguslaw Wolniewicz published a Polish translation of Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus logico-philosophicus.
A difference between Russell's and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. In Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Philosophie. Wien, 2. - 9. September 1968 - Vol. II. Wien: Herder 1968. pp. 263-267
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.193-197
"A note on Black's 'Companion'," Mind 78: 141 (1969).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - p. 229.
"It is a mistake to suppose that in Wittgenstein's "Tractatus" the meaning of Urbild has any connexion with that of picture. "
A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-217
Proceedings of the Boston Colloquium for the philosophy of science 1966/1968.
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.198-207
"Four notion of independence," Theoria 36: 161-164 (1970).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.127-130.
WFour (binary) relations of independence I(p,q) between propositions are distinguished: the Wittgensteinian I sub-w, the statistical I sub-s, the modal I sub-m, and the deductive I sub-d. The validity of the following theorem is argued for: I sub-w(p,q) implies I sub-s(p,q) implies I sub-m(p,q) implies Isub-d(p,q). "
Wittgensteinian foundations of non-Fregean logic. In Contemporary East European philosophy. Vol. 3. Edited by D'Angelo Edward, DeGrood David, and Riepe Dale. Bridgeport: Spartacus Books 1971. pp. 231-243
"The notion of fact as a modal operator," Teorema: 59-66 (1972).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 218-224
"The notion of fact /fp = "it is a fact that p"/ is characterized axiomatically, and the ensuing modal systems shown to be equivalent to tT, S4 and S5 respectively."
Zur Semantik des Satzkalküls: Frege und Wittgenstein. In Der Mensch - Subjekt und Objekt (Festchrift für Adam Schaff). Edited by Borbé Tasso. Wien: Europaverl. 1973. pp.
Sachlage und Elementarsätz. In Wittgenstein and his impact on contemporary thought. Proceedings of the Second International Wittgenstein Symposium, 29th August to 4th September 1977, Kirchberg/Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Leinfellner Elisabeth. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1977. pp. 174-176
"Objectives of propositions," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 7: 143-147 (1978).
"The paper sketches out a semantics for propositions based upon the Wittgensteinian notion of a possible situation. The objective of a proposition is defined as the smallest situation verifying it. Two propositions are assumed to have the same objective iff they are strictly equivalent. Formulas are given which determine the objectives of conjunction and disjunction as functions of the objectives of their components. finally a link with possible-world semantics is established."
"Situations as the reference of propositions," Dialectics and Humanism 5: 171-182 (1978).
"The reference of propositions is determined for a class of languages to be called the "Wittgensteinian" ones. A meaningful proposition presents a possible situation. Every consistent conjunction of elementary propositions presents an elementary situation. The smallest elementary situations are the "Sachverhalte"; the greatest are possible worlds. The situation presented by a proposition is to be distinguished from that verifying it, but the greatest situation presented is identical with the smallest verifying. The reference of compound propositions is then determined as a function of their components."
"Les situations comme corrélats semantiques des enoncés," Studia Filozoficzne 2: 27-41 (1978).
Wittgenstein und der Positivismus. In Wittgenstein, the Vienna circle and critical rationalism. Proceedings of the third International Wittgenstein Symposium, 13th to 19th August 1978, Kirchberg am Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Bergehel Hal, Hübner Adolf, and Eckehart Köhler. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1978. pp. 75-77
"Some formal properties of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 8: 16-20 (1979).
"The objectives of propositions as defined in an earlier paper are shown here to form a distributive lattice."
A Wittgensteinian semantics for propositions. In Intention and intentionality. Essay in honour of G. E. M. Anscombe. Edited by Diamond Cora and Teichman Jenny. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1979. pp. 165-178
"More than once Professor Anscombe has expressed doubt concerning the semantic efficacy of the idea of an 'elementary proposition' as conceived in the Tractatus. Wittgenstein himself eventually discarded it, together with the whole philosophy of language of which it had been an essential part. None the less the idea is still with us, and it seems to cover theoretical potentialities yet to be explored. This paper is a tentative move in that direction.
According to Professor Anscombe, (*) Wittgenstein's 'elementary propositions' may be characterized by the following five theses:
(1) They are a class of mutually independent propositions.
(2) They are essentially positive.
(2) They are such that for each of them there are no two ways of being true or false, but only one.
(4) They are such that there is in them no distinction between an internal and an external negation.
(5) They are concatenations of names, which are absolutely simple signs.
We shall not investigate whether this is an adequate axiomatic for the notion under consideration. We suppose it is. In any case it is possible to modify it in one way or another, and for the resulting notion still to preserve a family resemblance with the original idea. One such modification is sketched out below."
"On the lattice of elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 115-121 (1980).
"On the verifiers of disjunction," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 57-59 (1980).
"The Boolean algebra of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 10: 17-23 (1981).
"This concludes a series of papers constructing a semantics for propositional languages based on the notion of a possible "situation". Objectives of propositions are the situations described by them. The set of objectives is defined and shown to be a boolean algebra isomorphic to that formed by sets of possible worlds."
"A closure system for elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 134-139 (1982).
"On logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 84-88 (1982).
"Ludwig Fleck and Polish philosophy," Dialectics and Humanism 9: 25-28 (1982).
"A formal ontology of situations," Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982).
"A generalized Wittgensteinian semantics for propositional languages is presented, based on a lattice of elementary situations. Of these, maximal ones are possible worlds, constituting a logical space; minimal ones are logical atoms, partitioned into its dimensions. A verifier of a proposition is an elementary situation such that if real it makes true. The reference (or objective) of a proposition is a situation, which is the set of all its minimal verifiers. (Maximal ones constitute its locus.) Situations are shown to form a Boolean algebra, and the Boolean set algebra of loci is its representation. Wittgenstein's is a special case, admitting binary dimensions only."
Contents:
0. Preliminaries;
1. Elementary Situations
1.1.The Axioms; 1.2.Some Consequences; 1.3. W-Independence; 1.4.States of Affairs;
2. Sets of Elementary Situations
2.1.The Semigroup of SE"-Sets; 2.2.The Lattice of Minimal SE"-Sets; 2.3.Q-Spaces and V-Sets; 2.4.V-Equivalence and Q-Equivalence; 2.4.V-Classes and V-Sets;
3. Objectives of Propositions
3.1. Verifiers of Propositions; 3.2. Verifying and Forcing; 3.3. Situations and Logical Loci; 3.4. Loci and Objectives of Compound Propositions 3.5. The Boolean Algebra of Situations;
4. References
"Truth arguments and independence," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 12: 21-28 (1983).
"Logical space and metaphysical systems," Studia Logica 42: 269-284 (1983).
"The paper applies the theory presented in "A formal ontology of situations" (Studia Logica, vol. 41 (1982), no. 4) to obtain a typology of metaphysical systems by interpreting them as different ontologies of situations.
Four are treated in some detail: Hume's diachronic atomism, Laplacean determinism, Hume's synchronic atomism, and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. Moreover, the relation of that theory to the "situation semantics" of Perry and Barwise is discussed."
"An algebra of subsets for join-semilatttices with unit," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 21-24 (1984).
"A topology for logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 255-259 (1984).
"Suszko: a reminiscence," Studia Logica 43: 317-321 (1984).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.302-306
"Die Grundwerte einer wissenschaftlichen Weltauffassaung," Conceptus 19: 3-8 (1985).
"The scientific world-view is one of the fundamentals of our culture. It can be characterized in part by its specific system of values. A world-view is regarded as a scientific one if "truth" is one of its primary values, that is, as a value which is not a means, but an end in itself. Truth is served in particular by the two instrumental values of conceptual clarity and openness to critique. Their standing is (at present) low, for two reasons. (1) Unclear thinking not only promotes social idols; its consequences are also often difficult to see clearly and immediately. (2) In any case truth is of no interest (in a biological sense) to human beings; therefore, critique can at best be a socially tolerated activity. On the other hand, truth is not only a value, but also a force which in the long run cannot be held back; this fact gives some hope to adherents of the scientific world-view. "
"Discreteness of logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 15: 132-136 (1986).
"Entailments and independence in join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 2-5 (1989).
"The paper generalizes Wittgenstein's notion of independence. in a join-semilattice of elementary situations the atoms are the Sachverhalte, and maximal ideals are possible worlds. A subset of that semilattice is independent iff it is free of "ontic ties". This is shown to be equivalent to independence in von Neumann's sense."
"On atomic join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 105-111 (1989).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 307-312.
The essence of Logical Atomism: Hume and Wittgenstein. In Wittgenstein. Eine Neubewertung. Akten 14. Internationale Wittgenstein-Symposium. Vol. 1. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990. pp. 106-111
"A question about join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic: 108 (1990).
Concerning reism in Kotarbinski. In Kotarbinski: logic. semantics and ontology. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1990. pp. 199-204
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.265-271
Elzenberg's logic of values. In Logic counts. Edited by Zarnecka-Bialy Ewa. Dordrecht: Kluwe 1990. pp. 63-70
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 286-292 (with the title: Elzenberg's axiology"
"1. Values are what our value-Judgements refer to, and the passing of Judgements is one of our vital activities, like sleeping and breathing. We constantly appraise things as good or bad, pretty or ugly, as noble or base, well-made or misshapen. No wonder that both the act of appraisal and that which it refers to - i.e. the real or spurious values - have been always the source of philosophical reflexion. In systematic form such reflexion is what we call axiology.
In Polish philosophy it was Henryk Elzenberg (1887-1967) who reflected upon matters of axiology most deeply and incisively.
(...)
3. Leibniz had said somewhere: "There are two mazes in which the human mind is most likely to get lost: one is the concept of continuity, the other is that of liberty". This admits of generalization: all concepts are mazes, viz mazes of logical relations between the propositions that involve them.
One such maze is the concept of 'value'. Possibly, it is even the same as one of the two mentioned by Leibniz, only entered - so to say - by another door. For it would be in full accord with Elzenberg's position - and with that of Kant too - to adopt the following characteristic: values are what controls the actions of free agents. Thus the concepts of value and of liberty should constitute one conceptual maze, or - which comes to the same - two mazes communicating with each other.
To get a survey of such logical maze the first thing is to fix the ontological category of the concept in question. Thus, in our case, we ask what kind of entities are those 'values' supposed to be. (Ontological categories are the most general classes of entities, the summa genera A term even more general has to cover literally everything: like 'entity' or 'something'. For everything is an entity, just as everything is a something.)
Different ontologies admit different sets of categories. The categories most frequently referred to are those of 'objects', 'properties', and 'relations'; the more exotic ones are those of an 'event', a 'set', a 'function', or a 'situation'. One point, however, is of paramount importance: the categories admitted In one ontology have to be mutually disjoint". p. 63; 66.
"A sequel to Hawranek/Zygmunt," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 20: 143-144 (1991).
Needs and value. In Logic and ethics. Edited by Geach Peter. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp.
On the discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy. In Peter Geach: philosophical encounters. Edited by Lewis Harry. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp. 77-81
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 13-17.
"A question of logic in the philosophy of religion," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 22: 33-36 (1993).
On the synthetic a priori. In Philosophical logic in Poland. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1994. pp. 327-336
Logic and metaphysics. Studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts. Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne 1999.
Contents: Preface 11; Discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy 13; 1. Elementary situations as a lattice of finite length 19; Elementary situations as a semilattice 73; 3. Independence 127; 4. Elementary situations generalized 137; 5. Auxiliary studies 193; 5.1 The Logical Atomisms of Russell and Wittgenstein 193; 5.2 A parallelism between Wittgenstein and Aristotle 198; 5.3 Frege's semantics 207; 5.4. The notion of fact as a modal operator 218; 5.5 "Tractatus" 5.541 - 5.542 224; 5.6 History of the concept of a Situation 229; 6. Offshoots 243 6.1 Languages and codes 243; 6.2 Logic and hermeneutics 254; 6.3 Kotarbinski's Reism 265; 6.4 On Bayle's critique of theodicy 271; 6.5 Elzenberg's axiology 286; 6.6 Needs and values 293; 6.7 Suszko: a reminiscence 302; Supplements 307; Indices: Index of subjects 317; Index of names 326; Index of Tractatus references 329.
"Atoms in semantic frames," Logica Trianguli 4: 69-86 (2000).
"Elaborating on Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, semantic frames are described axiomatically as based on the notion of an elementary situation being the verifier of a proposition. Conditions are investigated then for suchframes to be atomic, i.e. to have lattice-theoretic counterparts of his "Sachverhalte"."
"Extending atomistic frames," Logica Trianguli 5 (2001).
Tractatus 5.541 - 5.542. In Satz un Sachverhalt. Edited by Neumaier Otto. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag 2001. pp. 185-190
"In Wittgenstein's "Tractatus", thesis 5 is the Principle of Extensionality: all propositions are truth-functions of their clauses. This, however, has been often thrown into doubt. There are - it is said - compound propositions whose truth-value does not depend on that of their clauses. The usual example given are the so-called intensional contexts, like "John thinks that p", or "John says that p". And indeed, the truth-value of "p" is patently immaterial here to that of the whole proposition which it is part of.
Wittgenstein's retort are the following much discussed theses, adduced here in a translation of our own:
5.54 In the general propositional form, propositions occur in one another only as bases of truth-operations.
5.541 At first sight it seems that a proposition might occur in another also in a different way.
Particularly in certain propositional forms of psychology, like "A believes that p is the case", "A thinks p", etc.
For taken superficially, proposition p seems here to stand to the object A in some sort of relation.
(And in modem epistemology - Russell, Moore, etc. - these have actually been construed that way.)
5.542 However, "A believes that p", "A thinks p", "A says p" are clearly of the form " 'p' says p "; and this is not correlating a fact with an object, but a correlation of facts by correlating their objects.
The objection is met here in two steps. Firstly, it is pointed out that a proposition of the form "John says that p" is actually of the form "'p' says that p". The idea is this: the proposition "John says that Jill has a cat" means: John produces the sentence "Jill has a cat", the latter saying by itself that Jill has a cat. In such a way propositions get independent of the persons producing them, and communicate some objective content. It is surely not by John's looks that we come to know about Jill's cat, but merely by his words. Whom they stem from, is irrelevant.
In his second step Wittgenstein follows Frege's interpretation of indirect speech, but with modifications. He points out that the formula " 'p' says that p " is equivalent to some compound proposition in which neither the proposition "p" as a syntactic unit, nor anything equivalent to it, does occur although there occur all the logically relevant constituents of "p" separately.
(...)
The distinction between abstract and concrete states of affairs is not drawn explicitly in the "Tractatus". But it fits well thesis 5.156, if we expand that thesis by a few words of comment, added here in brackets:
5.156(d) A proposition may well be en incomplete image of a particular (concrete) situation, but it is always the complete image (of an abstract one).
The circumstance that in 5.156 not "states of affairs", but "situations" are mentioned, is of no consequence in our context. We assume that states of affairs are just atomic situations, and so the distinction between "concrete" and "abstract" applies to both."
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 1/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 2/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 3/4
Pod prąd - Bogusław Wolniewicz 4/4
Boguslaw Wolniewicz and the Formal Ontology of Situations
INTRODUCTION
"The theory presented below was developed in an effort to clarify the metaphysics of Wittgenstein's Tractatus. The result obtained, however, is not strictly the formal twin of his variant of Logical Atomism. but something more, general, of which the latter is lust a special case. One might call it an ontology of situations. Some basic ideas of that ontology stern from Stenius Wittgenstein's Tractatus, Oxford, 1968 and Suszko Ontology in the Tractatus of L. Wittgenstein - Notre Dame Journal of Formal Logic, 1968.
Let L be a classic propositional language. Propositions of L are supposed to have their semantic counterparts in the realm of possibility, or as Wittgenstein put it: in logical space. These counterparts are situations, and S is to be the totality of them. The situation described by a proposition a is S(a). With Meinong we call it the objective of a."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A formal ontology of situations - Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982). pp. 381-382.
"Different ontologies adopt different notions of existence as basic. Aristotle's paradigm of existence is given by the equivalence:
(A) to be = to be a substance.
On the other hand, the paradigm of existence adopted in Wittgenstein's Tractatus is given by the parallel equivalence:
(W) to be = to be a fact.
Now, an Aristotelian substance is the denotation of an individual name, whereas a Wittgensteinian fact is the denotation of a true proposition. It seems therefore that the notions of existence derived from these two paradigms should be quite different, and one might readily expect that the metaphysical systems erected upon them will display wide structural discrepancies.
It turns out, however, that in spite of this basic difference there runs between these two systems a deep and striking parallelism. This parallelism is so close indeed that it makes possible the construction of a vocabulary which would transform characteristic propositions of Wittgenstein's ontology into Aristotelian ones, and conversely. To show in some detail the workings of that transformation will be the subject of this paper.
The vocabulary mentioned is based on the following four fundamental correlations:
Aristotle
1) primary substances (substantiae primae)
2) prime matter (materia prima)
3) form (forma)
4) self-subsistence of primary substances (esse per se)
Wittgenstein
1) atomic facts
2) objects
3) confiugration
4) independence of atomic facts
Aristotle's ontology is an ontology of substances, Wittgenstein's ontology is an ontology of facts. But concerning the respective items of each of the pairs (1)-(4) both ontologies lay down conditions which in view of our vocabulary appear to be identical. To show this let us confront, to begin with, the items of pair (1): substances and facts.
(The interpretation of Aristotle adopted in this paper is the standard one, to be found in any competent textbook of the history of philosophy. Therefore, with but one exception, no references to Aristotle's works will be given here.)Relatively to the system involved substances and facts are of the same ontological status. Aristotle's world is the totality of substances (summa rerum), Wittgenstein's world is the totality of facts (die Gesamtheit der Tatsachen). For Aristotle whatever exists in the basic sense of the word is a primary substance, for Wittgenstein - an atomic fact. Moreover, both ontologies are MODAL ones, allowing for different modes of being (modi essendi); and both take as basic the notion of `contingent being' (esse contingens), opposed to necessary being on the one hand, and to the possibility of being on the other. Both substances and facts are entities which actually exist, but might have not existed. The equality of ontological status between substances and facts is corroborated by the circumstance that both are PARTICULARS, there being - as the saying goes - no multiplicity of entities which FALL UNDER them.
Substances and facts stand also in the same relation to the ontological categories of pairs (2) and (3). Both are always COMPOUND entities, a substance consisting of matter and form, and a fact consisting of objects and the way of their configuration. But in neither of the two systems is this compoundness to be understood literally as composition of physically separable parts or pieces. The compoundness (compositio) of a substance consists in its being formed stuff (materia informata), and the compoundness of a fact in its being a configuration of objects.
In view of correlation (4) we have also an equality of relation which a substance bears to other substances, and a fact to other facts. Self-subsistence is the characteristic attribute of primary substances: substantia prima = ens per se. If we take this to mean that each substance exists independently of the existence or non-existence of any other substance we get immediately the exact counterpart of Wittgenstein's principle of logical atomism stating the mutual independence of atomic facts. It should be noted that thus understood the attribute of self-subsistence or independence is a relative one, belonging to a substance - or to a fact - only in virtue of its relation to other substances - or facts.
From a Wittgensteinian point of view Aristotle's substances are not things, but hypostases of facts, and thus their names are not logically proper names, but name-like equivalents of propositions. (By that term we mean roughly either a noun clause of the form `that p', or any symbol which might be regarded as a definitional abbreviation of such clause.) Surely, from the Aristotelian point of view it might be easily retorted here that just the opposite is the case: substances are not `reified' facts, but on the contrary - facts are 'dereified' substances. Without passing judgement on these mutual objections let us note in passing that their symmetric character seems to be itself an additional manifestation of the parallelism discussed."
From: Boguslaw Wolniewicz - A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-210 (notes omitted).
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SELECTED PUBLICATIONS (Works in Polish are not enclosed)
In 1970 Boguslaw Wolniewicz published a Polish translation of Ludwig Wittgenstein Tractatus logico-philosophicus.
A difference between Russell's and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. In Akten des XIV. Internationalen Kongresses für Philosophie. Wien, 2. - 9. September 1968 - Vol. II. Wien: Herder 1968. pp. 263-267
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.193-197
"A note on Black's 'Companion'," Mind 78: 141 (1969).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - p. 229.
"It is a mistake to suppose that in Wittgenstein's "Tractatus" the meaning of Urbild has any connexion with that of picture. "
A parallelism between Wittgensteinian and Aristotelian ontologies. In Boston studies in the philosophy of science. Vol. IV. Edited by Cohen Robert S. and Wartofsky Marx W. Dordrecht: Reidel Publishing Company 1969. pp. 208-217
Proceedings of the Boston Colloquium for the philosophy of science 1966/1968.
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.198-207
"Four notion of independence," Theoria 36: 161-164 (1970).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.127-130.
WFour (binary) relations of independence I(p,q) between propositions are distinguished: the Wittgensteinian I sub-w, the statistical I sub-s, the modal I sub-m, and the deductive I sub-d. The validity of the following theorem is argued for: I sub-w(p,q) implies I sub-s(p,q) implies I sub-m(p,q) implies Isub-d(p,q). "
Wittgensteinian foundations of non-Fregean logic. In Contemporary East European philosophy. Vol. 3. Edited by D'Angelo Edward, DeGrood David, and Riepe Dale. Bridgeport: Spartacus Books 1971. pp. 231-243
"The notion of fact as a modal operator," Teorema: 59-66 (1972).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 218-224
"The notion of fact /fp = "it is a fact that p"/ is characterized axiomatically, and the ensuing modal systems shown to be equivalent to tT, S4 and S5 respectively."
Zur Semantik des Satzkalküls: Frege und Wittgenstein. In Der Mensch - Subjekt und Objekt (Festchrift für Adam Schaff). Edited by Borbé Tasso. Wien: Europaverl. 1973. pp.
Sachlage und Elementarsätz. In Wittgenstein and his impact on contemporary thought. Proceedings of the Second International Wittgenstein Symposium, 29th August to 4th September 1977, Kirchberg/Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Leinfellner Elisabeth. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1977. pp. 174-176
"Objectives of propositions," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 7: 143-147 (1978).
"The paper sketches out a semantics for propositions based upon the Wittgensteinian notion of a possible situation. The objective of a proposition is defined as the smallest situation verifying it. Two propositions are assumed to have the same objective iff they are strictly equivalent. Formulas are given which determine the objectives of conjunction and disjunction as functions of the objectives of their components. finally a link with possible-world semantics is established."
"Situations as the reference of propositions," Dialectics and Humanism 5: 171-182 (1978).
"The reference of propositions is determined for a class of languages to be called the "Wittgensteinian" ones. A meaningful proposition presents a possible situation. Every consistent conjunction of elementary propositions presents an elementary situation. The smallest elementary situations are the "Sachverhalte"; the greatest are possible worlds. The situation presented by a proposition is to be distinguished from that verifying it, but the greatest situation presented is identical with the smallest verifying. The reference of compound propositions is then determined as a function of their components."
"Les situations comme corrélats semantiques des enoncés," Studia Filozoficzne 2: 27-41 (1978).
Wittgenstein und der Positivismus. In Wittgenstein, the Vienna circle and critical rationalism. Proceedings of the third International Wittgenstein Symposium, 13th to 19th August 1978, Kirchberg am Wechsel (Austria). Edited by Bergehel Hal, Hübner Adolf, and Eckehart Köhler. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1978. pp. 75-77
"Some formal properties of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 8: 16-20 (1979).
"The objectives of propositions as defined in an earlier paper are shown here to form a distributive lattice."
A Wittgensteinian semantics for propositions. In Intention and intentionality. Essay in honour of G. E. M. Anscombe. Edited by Diamond Cora and Teichman Jenny. Ithaca: Cornell University Press 1979. pp. 165-178
"More than once Professor Anscombe has expressed doubt concerning the semantic efficacy of the idea of an 'elementary proposition' as conceived in the Tractatus. Wittgenstein himself eventually discarded it, together with the whole philosophy of language of which it had been an essential part. None the less the idea is still with us, and it seems to cover theoretical potentialities yet to be explored. This paper is a tentative move in that direction.
According to Professor Anscombe, (*) Wittgenstein's 'elementary propositions' may be characterized by the following five theses:
(1) They are a class of mutually independent propositions.
(2) They are essentially positive.
(2) They are such that for each of them there are no two ways of being true or false, but only one.
(4) They are such that there is in them no distinction between an internal and an external negation.
(5) They are concatenations of names, which are absolutely simple signs.
We shall not investigate whether this is an adequate axiomatic for the notion under consideration. We suppose it is. In any case it is possible to modify it in one way or another, and for the resulting notion still to preserve a family resemblance with the original idea. One such modification is sketched out below."
"On the lattice of elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 115-121 (1980).
"On the verifiers of disjunction," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 9: 57-59 (1980).
"The Boolean algebra of objectives," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 10: 17-23 (1981).
"This concludes a series of papers constructing a semantics for propositional languages based on the notion of a possible "situation". Objectives of propositions are the situations described by them. The set of objectives is defined and shown to be a boolean algebra isomorphic to that formed by sets of possible worlds."
"A closure system for elementary situations," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 134-139 (1982).
"On logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 11: 84-88 (1982).
"Ludwig Fleck and Polish philosophy," Dialectics and Humanism 9: 25-28 (1982).
"A formal ontology of situations," Studia Logica 41: 381-413 (1982).
"A generalized Wittgensteinian semantics for propositional languages is presented, based on a lattice of elementary situations. Of these, maximal ones are possible worlds, constituting a logical space; minimal ones are logical atoms, partitioned into its dimensions. A verifier of a proposition is an elementary situation such that if real it makes true. The reference (or objective) of a proposition is a situation, which is the set of all its minimal verifiers. (Maximal ones constitute its locus.) Situations are shown to form a Boolean algebra, and the Boolean set algebra of loci is its representation. Wittgenstein's is a special case, admitting binary dimensions only."
Contents:
0. Preliminaries;
1. Elementary Situations
1.1.The Axioms; 1.2.Some Consequences; 1.3. W-Independence; 1.4.States of Affairs;
2. Sets of Elementary Situations
2.1.The Semigroup of SE"-Sets; 2.2.The Lattice of Minimal SE"-Sets; 2.3.Q-Spaces and V-Sets; 2.4.V-Equivalence and Q-Equivalence; 2.4.V-Classes and V-Sets;
3. Objectives of Propositions
3.1. Verifiers of Propositions; 3.2. Verifying and Forcing; 3.3. Situations and Logical Loci; 3.4. Loci and Objectives of Compound Propositions 3.5. The Boolean Algebra of Situations;
4. References
"Truth arguments and independence," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 12: 21-28 (1983).
"Logical space and metaphysical systems," Studia Logica 42: 269-284 (1983).
"The paper applies the theory presented in "A formal ontology of situations" (Studia Logica, vol. 41 (1982), no. 4) to obtain a typology of metaphysical systems by interpreting them as different ontologies of situations.
Four are treated in some detail: Hume's diachronic atomism, Laplacean determinism, Hume's synchronic atomism, and Wittgenstein's logical atomism. Moreover, the relation of that theory to the "situation semantics" of Perry and Barwise is discussed."
"An algebra of subsets for join-semilatttices with unit," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 21-24 (1984).
"A topology for logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 13: 255-259 (1984).
"Suszko: a reminiscence," Studia Logica 43: 317-321 (1984).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.302-306
"Die Grundwerte einer wissenschaftlichen Weltauffassaung," Conceptus 19: 3-8 (1985).
"The scientific world-view is one of the fundamentals of our culture. It can be characterized in part by its specific system of values. A world-view is regarded as a scientific one if "truth" is one of its primary values, that is, as a value which is not a means, but an end in itself. Truth is served in particular by the two instrumental values of conceptual clarity and openness to critique. Their standing is (at present) low, for two reasons. (1) Unclear thinking not only promotes social idols; its consequences are also often difficult to see clearly and immediately. (2) In any case truth is of no interest (in a biological sense) to human beings; therefore, critique can at best be a socially tolerated activity. On the other hand, truth is not only a value, but also a force which in the long run cannot be held back; this fact gives some hope to adherents of the scientific world-view. "
"Discreteness of logical space," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 15: 132-136 (1986).
"Entailments and independence in join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 2-5 (1989).
"The paper generalizes Wittgenstein's notion of independence. in a join-semilattice of elementary situations the atoms are the Sachverhalte, and maximal ideals are possible worlds. A subset of that semilattice is independent iff it is free of "ontic ties". This is shown to be equivalent to independence in von Neumann's sense."
"On atomic join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 18: 105-111 (1989).
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 307-312.
The essence of Logical Atomism: Hume and Wittgenstein. In Wittgenstein. Eine Neubewertung. Akten 14. Internationale Wittgenstein-Symposium. Vol. 1. Wien: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky 1990. pp. 106-111
"A question about join-semilattices," Bulletin of the Section of Logic: 108 (1990).
Concerning reism in Kotarbinski. In Kotarbinski: logic. semantics and ontology. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1990. pp. 199-204
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp.265-271
Elzenberg's logic of values. In Logic counts. Edited by Zarnecka-Bialy Ewa. Dordrecht: Kluwe 1990. pp. 63-70
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 286-292 (with the title: Elzenberg's axiology"
"1. Values are what our value-Judgements refer to, and the passing of Judgements is one of our vital activities, like sleeping and breathing. We constantly appraise things as good or bad, pretty or ugly, as noble or base, well-made or misshapen. No wonder that both the act of appraisal and that which it refers to - i.e. the real or spurious values - have been always the source of philosophical reflexion. In systematic form such reflexion is what we call axiology.
In Polish philosophy it was Henryk Elzenberg (1887-1967) who reflected upon matters of axiology most deeply and incisively.
(...)
3. Leibniz had said somewhere: "There are two mazes in which the human mind is most likely to get lost: one is the concept of continuity, the other is that of liberty". This admits of generalization: all concepts are mazes, viz mazes of logical relations between the propositions that involve them.
One such maze is the concept of 'value'. Possibly, it is even the same as one of the two mentioned by Leibniz, only entered - so to say - by another door. For it would be in full accord with Elzenberg's position - and with that of Kant too - to adopt the following characteristic: values are what controls the actions of free agents. Thus the concepts of value and of liberty should constitute one conceptual maze, or - which comes to the same - two mazes communicating with each other.
To get a survey of such logical maze the first thing is to fix the ontological category of the concept in question. Thus, in our case, we ask what kind of entities are those 'values' supposed to be. (Ontological categories are the most general classes of entities, the summa genera A term even more general has to cover literally everything: like 'entity' or 'something'. For everything is an entity, just as everything is a something.)
Different ontologies admit different sets of categories. The categories most frequently referred to are those of 'objects', 'properties', and 'relations'; the more exotic ones are those of an 'event', a 'set', a 'function', or a 'situation'. One point, however, is of paramount importance: the categories admitted In one ontology have to be mutually disjoint". p. 63; 66.
"A sequel to Hawranek/Zygmunt," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 20: 143-144 (1991).
Needs and value. In Logic and ethics. Edited by Geach Peter. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp.
On the discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy. In Peter Geach: philosophical encounters. Edited by Lewis Harry. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1991. pp. 77-81
Reprinted in: Logic and metaphysics (1999) - pp. 13-17.
"A question of logic in the philosophy of religion," Bulletin of the Section of Logic 22: 33-36 (1993).
On the synthetic a priori. In Philosophical logic in Poland. Edited by Wolenski Jan. Dordrecht: Kluwer 1994. pp. 327-336
Logic and metaphysics. Studies in Wittgenstein's ontology of facts. Warsaw: Polskie Towarzystwo Semiotyczne 1999.
Contents: Preface 11; Discontinuity of Wittgenstein's philosophy 13; 1. Elementary situations as a lattice of finite length 19; Elementary situations as a semilattice 73; 3. Independence 127; 4. Elementary situations generalized 137; 5. Auxiliary studies 193; 5.1 The Logical Atomisms of Russell and Wittgenstein 193; 5.2 A parallelism between Wittgenstein and Aristotle 198; 5.3 Frege's semantics 207; 5.4. The notion of fact as a modal operator 218; 5.5 "Tractatus" 5.541 - 5.542 224; 5.6 History of the concept of a Situation 229; 6. Offshoots 243 6.1 Languages and codes 243; 6.2 Logic and hermeneutics 254; 6.3 Kotarbinski's Reism 265; 6.4 On Bayle's critique of theodicy 271; 6.5 Elzenberg's axiology 286; 6.6 Needs and values 293; 6.7 Suszko: a reminiscence 302; Supplements 307; Indices: Index of subjects 317; Index of names 326; Index of Tractatus references 329.
"Atoms in semantic frames," Logica Trianguli 4: 69-86 (2000).
"Elaborating on Wittgenstein's ontology of facts, semantic frames are described axiomatically as based on the notion of an elementary situation being the verifier of a proposition. Conditions are investigated then for suchframes to be atomic, i.e. to have lattice-theoretic counterparts of his "Sachverhalte"."
"Extending atomistic frames," Logica Trianguli 5 (2001).
Tractatus 5.541 - 5.542. In Satz un Sachverhalt. Edited by Neumaier Otto. Sankt Augustin: Academia Verlag 2001. pp. 185-190
"In Wittgenstein's "Tractatus", thesis 5 is the Principle of Extensionality: all propositions are truth-functions of their clauses. This, however, has been often thrown into doubt. There are - it is said - compound propositions whose truth-value does not depend on that of their clauses. The usual example given are the so-called intensional contexts, like "John thinks that p", or "John says that p". And indeed, the truth-value of "p" is patently immaterial here to that of the whole proposition which it is part of.
Wittgenstein's retort are the following much discussed theses, adduced here in a translation of our own:
5.54 In the general propositional form, propositions occur in one another only as bases of truth-operations.
5.541 At first sight it seems that a proposition might occur in another also in a different way.
Particularly in certain propositional forms of psychology, like "A believes that p is the case", "A thinks p", etc.
For taken superficially, proposition p seems here to stand to the object A in some sort of relation.
(And in modem epistemology - Russell, Moore, etc. - these have actually been construed that way.)
5.542 However, "A believes that p", "A thinks p", "A says p" are clearly of the form " 'p' says p "; and this is not correlating a fact with an object, but a correlation of facts by correlating their objects.
The objection is met here in two steps. Firstly, it is pointed out that a proposition of the form "John says that p" is actually of the form "'p' says that p". The idea is this: the proposition "John says that Jill has a cat" means: John produces the sentence "Jill has a cat", the latter saying by itself that Jill has a cat. In such a way propositions get independent of the persons producing them, and communicate some objective content. It is surely not by John's looks that we come to know about Jill's cat, but merely by his words. Whom they stem from, is irrelevant.
In his second step Wittgenstein follows Frege's interpretation of indirect speech, but with modifications. He points out that the formula " 'p' says that p " is equivalent to some compound proposition in which neither the proposition "p" as a syntactic unit, nor anything equivalent to it, does occur although there occur all the logically relevant constituents of "p" separately.
(...)
The distinction between abstract and concrete states of affairs is not drawn explicitly in the "Tractatus". But it fits well thesis 5.156, if we expand that thesis by a few words of comment, added here in brackets:
5.156(d) A proposition may well be en incomplete image of a particular (concrete) situation, but it is always the complete image (of an abstract one).
The circumstance that in 5.156 not "states of affairs", but "situations" are mentioned, is of no consequence in our context. We assume that states of affairs are just atomic situations, and so the distinction between "concrete" and "abstract" applies to both."
Conferences in the US on investment possibilities in Poland. New York and Saint Louis
Conferences in the US on investment possibilities in Poland. New York and Saint Louis
Conferences in the US on investment possibilities in Poland. NewsYork and Saint Louis
“Doing Business with Poland” is the motto of the conference which is to take place in New York. The event organised thanks to a joint effort of PAIiIZ and the New York Consulate General in co-operation with the Greater New York Chamber of Commerce will be an opportunity for all interested in Poland to learn about the country’s current state of economy, about the conditions for running a business, the business environment and its institutions as well as about investment possibilities the country offers to prospective American investors. The conference will take place on October 10th at 10 a.m in the Consulate General of the Republic of Poland in New York.The second conference “Poland – a strategic partner in global Europe” will be held in Saint Louis. The meeting which is to be opened by Paweł Wojciechowski PhD, PAIiIZ President, will focus on highlighting new opportunities resulting from investing in Poland. The conference will be attended by Mr Jan Kozłowski, the Marshal of the Pomeranian voivodship who is going to present investment potential of the Gdańsk Metropolitan Area and also by Mr Dariusz Kasprowicz, vice president of the Wałbrzych Special Economic Zone who will discuss the business incentive system offered by the Zone. Moreover, Mrs Judith Gliniecki, a representative of a Polish law firm Wierzbowski Eversheds will acquaint the participants with the current legal conditions of investing in Poland. The conference will take place on October 13th at 9 a.m. at the Missouri State University in Saint Louis
Alex Lech Bajan
We trade with PolandCEORAQport Inc.2004 North Monroe StreetArlington Virginia 22207Washington DC AreaUSATEL: 703-528-0114TEL2: 703-652-0993FAX: 703-940-8300sms: 703-485-6619EMAIL: polonia@raqport.comWEB SITE: http://raqport.com/
My Tribute To Poland Vol. I
My Tribute To Poland Vol. II
My Tribute To Poland Vol. III
Polska / Poland
Conferences in the US on investment possibilities in Poland. NewsYork and Saint Louis
“Doing Business with Poland” is the motto of the conference which is to take place in New York. The event organised thanks to a joint effort of PAIiIZ and the New York Consulate General in co-operation with the Greater New York Chamber of Commerce will be an opportunity for all interested in Poland to learn about the country’s current state of economy, about the conditions for running a business, the business environment and its institutions as well as about investment possibilities the country offers to prospective American investors. The conference will take place on October 10th at 10 a.m in the Consulate General of the Republic of Poland in New York.The second conference “Poland – a strategic partner in global Europe” will be held in Saint Louis. The meeting which is to be opened by Paweł Wojciechowski PhD, PAIiIZ President, will focus on highlighting new opportunities resulting from investing in Poland. The conference will be attended by Mr Jan Kozłowski, the Marshal of the Pomeranian voivodship who is going to present investment potential of the Gdańsk Metropolitan Area and also by Mr Dariusz Kasprowicz, vice president of the Wałbrzych Special Economic Zone who will discuss the business incentive system offered by the Zone. Moreover, Mrs Judith Gliniecki, a representative of a Polish law firm Wierzbowski Eversheds will acquaint the participants with the current legal conditions of investing in Poland. The conference will take place on October 13th at 9 a.m. at the Missouri State University in Saint Louis
Alex Lech Bajan
We trade with PolandCEORAQport Inc.2004 North Monroe StreetArlington Virginia 22207Washington DC AreaUSATEL: 703-528-0114TEL2: 703-652-0993FAX: 703-940-8300sms: 703-485-6619EMAIL: polonia@raqport.comWEB SITE: http://raqport.com/
My Tribute To Poland Vol. I
My Tribute To Poland Vol. II
My Tribute To Poland Vol. III
Polska / Poland
Wednesday, September 24, 2008
INTERNATIONAL MONEY LENDERS and the World Financial Problems Now Part1
INTERNATIONAL MONEY LENDERS and the World Financial Problems Now Part1
The Money Masters pt 7 of 21 why this part one more time please see
Money Masters - pt 1 1/7 - Federal Reserve - NWO
Money Masters - pt 2 1/7
Money Masters - pt 3 6/7 - Federal Reserve - NWO
The Money Masters pt 4 of 21
The Money Masters pt 5 of 21
The Money Masters pt 6 of 21
The Money Masters pt 7 of 21
The Money Masters pt 8 of 21
The Money Masters pt 9 of 21
The Money Masters pt 7 of 21 why this part one more time please see
Money Masters - pt 1 1/7 - Federal Reserve - NWO
Money Masters - pt 2 1/7
Money Masters - pt 3 6/7 - Federal Reserve - NWO
The Money Masters pt 4 of 21
The Money Masters pt 5 of 21
The Money Masters pt 6 of 21
The Money Masters pt 7 of 21
The Money Masters pt 8 of 21
The Money Masters pt 9 of 21
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